Ambivalent

Ambivalent

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The words ambivalent and ambivalence entered English during the early 20th century in the field of psychology. They came to us through the International Scientific Vocabulary, a set of words common to people of science who speak different languages. The prefix ambi- means \"both,\" and the -valent and -valence parts ultimately derive from the Latin verb valēre, meaning \"to be strong.\" Not surprisingly, an ambivalent person is someone who has strong feelings on more than one side of a question or issue.

The difficulty that many people have in distinguishing between ambiguous and ambivalent shows that all that is needed to create confusion with words is to begin them with several of the same letters. In spite of the fact that these two words have histories, meanings, and origins that are fairly distinct, people often worry about mistakenly using one for the other.

Dating to the 16th century, ambiguous is quite a bit older than ambivalent, which appears to have entered English in the jargon of early 20th-century psychologists. Both words are in some fashion concerned with duality: ambivalent relates to multiple and contradictory feelings, whereas ambiguous often describes something with several possible meanings that create uncertainty.

Patients who experience difficulty making medical decisions are often referred to as \"ambivalent.\" However, the current lack of attention to the nuances between a cluster of phenomena that resemble ambivalence means that we are not always recognizing what is really going on with a patient. Importantly, different kinds of \"ambivalence\" may call for different approaches. In this paper, we present a taxonomy of ambivalence-related phenomena, provide normative analysis of some of the effects of-and common responses to-such mental states, and sketch some practical strategies for addressing ambivalence. In applying lessons from the philosophical literature and decision theory, our aim is to provide ethicists and clinicians with the tools to better understand and effectively intervene in cases of ambivalence.

But emerging research suggests that being a relentlessly positive leader may not be the best approach. For example, sharing emotional ambivalence in cooperative relationships can unlock the type of problem solving that makes everyone better off. We spoke with a manager of a Fortune 500 company who described how comforting it was to have their managing director openly share their own ambivalent feelings about returning to the office. This transparency around mixed emotions inspired them to get creative and develop flexible plans that could work for themselves, their team, and the company.

While the steps laid out so far may help remove the psychological and cultural barriers to ambivalence, at the same time, leaders must adjust the structure of their organization to develop an ambivalent environment. For example, to encourage employees to experience and share their emotional ambivalence in the first place, leaders may structure work interdependently, facilitating greater collective effort among group members and motivating them to pay greater attention to the social and emotional cues of others (rather than focus predominantly on themselves). Culturally interdependent countries where individuals think of themselves as working together toward a common, shared goal tend to express more emotional ambivalence. Organizations can replicate this by fostering a sense of interdependence between leaders and employees.

The concept of childhood contains many contested and ambivalent meanings that have extraordinary implications, particularly for those staking their claim for belonging and justice on the wish for inclusion within it. In Ambivalent Childhoods, Jacob Breslow examines contemporary U.S. social justice movements (including Black Lives Matter, transfeminism, queer youth activism, and antideportation movements) to discover and reveal how childhood operates within and against them.

This is a landmark achievement. Rigorous and lyrical, urgently political and achingly personal, Ambivalent Childhoods braids together scholarly approaches to childhood that center Blackness, transgender, queer sexuality, and migration in order to show how each twists through ambivalent, fraught, and necessary claims to the protections of childhood innocence.

Studies have found that your blood pressure goes up more when you interact with someone with whom you have an ambivalent relationship, than it does when you interact with someone with whom you have a supportive relationship. Even just anticipating interacting with an ambivalent tie triggers a greater increase in heart rate and blood pressure. Researchers speculate that this heightened stress response is due to the unpredictability of an ambivalent relationship: Are you going to enjoy your time with this person or are you going to get in a fight Are you going to have fun or just feel annoyed Are they going to be supportive or critical

Whether from the stress, the lack of effective support, the impoverished intimacy, or the general burden of constantly keeping a handle on conflicted feelings, people who have a greater number of ambivalent ties in their social network are more likely to experience cardiovascular reactivity, anxiety, interpersonal conflict, and depression, and may even suffer accelerated aging as well. And this is true regardless of the number of supportive ties they also have in their network.

When psychologist Julianne Holt-Lunstad, who authored many of the studies cited above, began to get a sense of the impact that ambivalent relationships have on people, a subsequent question naturally arose: If ambivalent relationships are so potentially detrimental, why do people maintain them

While she found that people gave various answers, from external barriers like being stuck in the same workplace, to feelings of obligation, folks most frequently said that they held onto their ambivalent ties because of the positive aspects they perceived in these relationships.

A third category of ambivalent relationships includes people with whom we do feel a genuine connection and who do offer a real, perhaps even irreplaceable, aspect of positivity, even if they sometimes drive us bananas. These folks may be worth holding onto, but not in the context of the default relationship you currently maintain.

Marriage represents the final, special category of ambivalent ties. Having pledged a solemn, voluntary vow to your spouse, you should want to stick around and feel a duty towards making your marriage last. And you probably want to experience a level of intimacy with them that goes beyond only connecting in certain contexts.

We propose an extension to the fundamental architecture of covariance models to allow for several, compatible consensus structures. The resulting models are called ambivalent covariance models. Evaluation on several Rfam families shows that coalescence of structural variation within a family by using ambivalent consensus models is superior to subdividing the family into multiple classical covariance models.

The architecture of CMs has been remarkably stable for 20 years, serving its purpose very effectively. But for accommodating multiple structures, as shown above, one must extend the classical definition and construction of CMs. With the introduction of ambivalent Covariance Models (aCMs), we provide such a generalization.

The construction of an aCM (greenish box in Figure 1) follows the ideas of constructing a classical CM with ALTERNAL. The task becomes more difficult, because we not only have to deal with several consensus structures \\({SS}_{\\textit {cons}}^{i}\\) yielding different guide trees gt i (indicated by the white box in Figure 1), but we also have to combine all n of them into one ambivalent guide forest F. Once F is found, generation of the topology defining grammar is done by evaluating F with a corresponding generating algebra \\(\\mathcal {A}_{\\textit {aCFG}}\\). In the following sections, we give explanations about processes in aCM that have to be modified compared to ALTERNAL:

The final step to obtain the aCM grammar is to evaluate the ambivalent guide forest with the function gen, given in Figure 11. A simple structural recursion on F performs this evaluation and returns the family model grammar. An example grammar is illustrated in Panel C) of Figure 8.

You may come across the term used interchangeably with apathetic, but the two are quite different; apathetic means to not have very strong feelings on a topic at all, whereas feeling ambivalent means to feel dissonant about it. In fact, someone who is ambivalent might feel an excess of emotions rather than an absence of them.

Acting ambivalently as an adult might mean having trouble picking where to go on holiday, deciding what restaurant you want to eat in at the weekend, or choosing whether a certain job offer is right for you. It can also significantly affect how we behave in our romantic relationships.

If you would like to know more about how the anxious attachment style involves ambivalent behavior and how this can potentially affect your relationships, then check out our previous post What are adult attachment styles and how do they affect intimate relationships

Works by contemporary artists reveal other dimensions of such ambivalent landscapes. For example, Yuken Teruya (born 1973 in Okinawa, based in Berlin), offers a subjective perspective of the recent history of the Okinawa Islands[JS1] , while photographic works by Reijiro Wada (born 1977 in Hiroshima, based in Berlin) feature sites of historical tragedies, such as the ash pond at Auschwitz, the city of Hiroshima, and the bay where American troops made their bloody landing on the shores of Okinawa in 1945, detaching them from their historical contexts and depicting them as idyllic landscapes.

Sexism can take different forms, some of which are disguised as protectiveness and flattery. Nevertheless, sexism, in whatever form, has a negative effect on how women are perceived and treated by others and by themselves. The theory of, and research on, ambivalent sexism, which encompasses attitudes that are overtly negative (hostile sexism) and those that seem subjectively positive but are actually harmful (benevolent sexism), have made substantial contributions to understanding how sexism operates and the consequences it has for women. One review published recently in Nature Reviews Psychology summarized the predictors of ambivalent sexism and the impact on women's health. 59ce067264

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